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Two Reports on Hate Speech in India: Signalling a New Normal

  • Writer: frontier webmag
    frontier webmag
  • Jun 30
  • 8 min read

Comment from Frontier Web


Over the previous year, India saw an unprecedented rise in hate speech incidents. The alarming spike in in-person and media-based hate speech is indicating a dangerous trend of public condoning—and even promotion—of violent, discriminating, and dehumanizing language. Two recent reports have cataloged the trends and statistics of hate speech incidents across the country. The report titled “270% Increase in Hate Speeches in India in the Year 2024: Normalization of Hatred Targeting Minorities” (April 2025) authored by Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade, and Mithila Raut from Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) Mumbai has recorded a staggering 270% increase in 2024 compared to the previous year. The study bases its statistical outcomes on reports from the Mumbai editions of prominent newspapers such as The Indian Express, The Times of India, The Hindu, Inquilab, and Sahafat, documenting 122 instances of hate speech between January and July 2024, in contrast to 33 instances in 2023. Another report published in February 2025, titled “Report 2024: Hate Speech Events in India” by the India Hate Lab (a project under the Centre for Study of Organized Hate) studying in-person hate speech incidences, recorded a surge in the number of hate speech incidents targeting religious minorities from 668 in 2023 to 1,165 in 2024, marking a staggering 74.4% increase.


The CSSS report engages in meticulous documentation, tabulating news records of incidences of hate speech, their geographical location and the consequences faced by the speakers—alongside statistical mapping. The IHL (CSOH) report undertakes a more analytical project, thematically and methodologically dissecting cases of hate speech made in-person and on social media. The reports draw a stark image of hate speech spiraling into public discourses with great impunity, catalyzed by religious intolerance, political power, and an absence of state-based accountability. This essay provides a summarizing commentary on the reports, underlining the themes and geographical spread of hate speech. 

IHL Report: Hate Speech Trends Across States and Union Territories
IHL Report: Hate Speech Trends Across States and Union Territories

Hate Speech against Minorities

The reports reveal an entrenched pattern of communal polarization in the occurrences of hate speech, particularly in the run-up to the general and state elections. According to the CSSS report, Muslims were the primary targets of hate speech in 2024, accounting for 96% (117 out of 122) of documented incidents.  In contrast, hate speeches against other communities—Hindus (3), Dalits (1), and Sikhs (1)—were negligible, highlighting the asymmetric nature of communal targeting. The IHL report also highlights Christians as yet another affected minority community: 98.5% (1147 out of the documented 1165) hate speech events targeted Muslims (a staggering 1050) or Christians (115). The rhetoric employed against them ranged from dehumanizing language to outright calls for violence. 


Speakers frequently referred to Muslims using derogatory terms such as "infiltrators," "jihadis," and even "dogs." For instance, PM Modi (Banswara, Rajasthan, April 20, 2024) claimed that Congress would "take away wealth from Hindus and distribute it to those who have more children"—a thinly veiled reference to Muslims; and BJP MP Anantkumar Hegde (Karnataka, January 13, 2024) called for the demolition of mosques, framing it as "revenge" for historical grievances. Strategies of fear-mongering and conspiracy theories were rampant. False narratives like "love jihad" and "land jihad" were repeatedly invoked to stoke fear. BJP MLA Nitesh Rane (Maharashtra, January 2024) alleged that electricity theft in Muslim-majority Malegaon funded "terrorist activities." Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma (March 23, 2024) claimed Muslims were "overpopulating" Assam, calling for restrictions on their marriages. The IHL report also highlighted rising hate speech targeting Rohingya refugees, and others invoking the rhetoric of Muslim “Bangladeshi infiltrators."


The speeches typically revolved around Islamophobic conspiracies, such as— Muslims being illegal immigrants (Rohingyas/Bangladeshis), accusations of “love jihad” and “land jihad”, allegations of mosque encroachments and calls for their demolition, and claims that opposition parties would redistribute Hindu wealth to Muslims. At large, Muslims were directly or indirectly described as outsiders, encroachers, terrorists, or less-than-human (with animal-like tendencies to ‘breed’ uncontrollably). Such narratives were often cloaked in populist language, associating political oppositions with communal motivations: with frequent assertions that “Congress wants to implement Sharia law” or “Muslims have the first claim on India’s resources”, a claim inaccurately attributed to former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.


The IHL report highlighted how, at the core of Hindu nationalist ideology is the characterization of Christians and Muslims as “foreigners” and “invaders” who lack a legitimate claim to belonging in India. Consequently, all cultural signs and customs of Muslims and Christians were projected as suspect; namaz on the streets were declared to be obstructive to public movement (in spite of giant blockades for Hindu religious festivals), and church activities were misconstrued as covert attempts at conversion or religious corruption.


Some speeches crossed into outright provocation and incitement of violence: as noted by CSSS, Himanta Biswa Sarma (Jharkhand, May 14, 2024) urged crowds to "break the limbs of infiltrators,” while BJP MLA Geeta Jain (Maharashtra, January 2024) boasted, "We are greater in numbers; we only need five minutes to teach them a lesson.” Such statements not only contributed significantly to the growing anti-Muslim discourse and the broader normalization of hate within public discourse but also normalized and escalated imaginaries of violence towards communal “others”. The IHL data records 23 incidents of hate speech targeting the Christian community included calls to violence, while at least 17 speeches explicitly gave a call to arms. Similarly, 26 hate speech events explicitly called for violence against Rohingya Muslims; 40 of mentioning “Bangladeshi infiltrators"  included direct calls for violence. The logic of authentic citizenship and belonging was superimposed on religiously divisive identities, allowing inciters of hate speech to generate an imagination of communities with divided loyalties and nefarious intent.



Hate in an Electoral Democracy

The reports lay bare the significant role played by elected representatives in propagating hate speech. They demonstrate that that one of the key factors contributing to the sharp rise in hate speech in 2024 was the occasion of elections. Specifically, the general elections, as well as state assembly elections in pivotal states likely played a substantial role in the increase. Hate speech rode the waves of political speeches and slogans in rallies. According to the CSSS report, an overwhelming 89.3% (109 of 122) of the incidents were attributed to politicians—most of them from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Prime Minister Narendra Modi alone accounted for 32.7% of all hate speeches, with 40 inflammatory remarks made in various campaign rallies. Union Home Minister Amit Shah (15 speeches) and Chief Ministers Yogi Adityanath of Uttar Pradesh and Himanta Biswa Sarma of Assam (12 speeches each) were also prominent figures. The IHL report’s rankings place Yogi Adityanath at the top with 86 incidences, followed by Narendra Modi (67), Amit Shah (58), Himanta Biswa Sharma (36), and T Raja Singh (32). Members of Parliament (MPs), Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), state-level cabinet ministers, union ministers, the Prime Minister, and even a High Court judge—all were active participants in communally charged hate speech. This use of communal rhetoric coincided with the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, as well as state elections in Maharashtra, Jharkhand, and Haryana. According to the report, 68.6% of the hate speeches occurred in political rallies or during election campaigning. This trend highlights the alarming normalization of hatred and the failure of the criminal justice system to take effective action, thereby allowing hate speeches to proliferate unchecked.

CSSS Report: Hate Speech and Political Affiliation
CSSS Report: Hate Speech and Political Affiliation

The IHL records the three notable occasions of spike in hate speech. The first was during the pre-election period, throughout the duration of the election campaign rallies; a particularly notable inflection point being on April 21, when Modi delivered his anti-Muslim hate speech in Banswara, Rajasthan, where he referred to Indian Muslims as "infiltrators" and invoked communal tropes. A second noted phase was following the student protests against Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh, which boomeranged into a series of disinformation campaigns and rallies by hindu nationalist groups calling for revenge against muslims in retaliation to the reported violence against Hindu minorities in Bangladesh. A third rising pattern was seen during the organization of victory rallies by VHP-Bajrang Dal to commemorate the demolition of the Babri mosque. 


Perhaps the most alarming revelation from the reports is that elected representatives, even national leaders —overwhelmingly from the BJP—were responsible for the vast majority of hate speeches. Hate speech has therefore become promoted right from those in power. There was a marked dominance of BJP Leaders: as per the CSSS report, 89.3% (109 out of 122) of incidents involved elected officials, with the most prominent of BJP’s representatives: Narendra Modi, Amit Shah, and Yogi Adityanath being the topmost perpetrators. Many speeches coincided with election campaigns, suggesting a deliberate strategy to polarize voters. Modi’s speeches in Rajasthan and Gujarat (April-May 2024) falsely claimed Congress would "give reservations to Muslims," playing on Hindu anxieties. Amit Shah (Telangana, May 9, 2024) framed the election as "vote for jihad vs. vote for vikas," painting Muslims as anti-national.

CSSS Report: Hate Speeches by Elected Representatives
CSSS Report: Hate Speeches by Elected Representatives

The Power Dynamics of Hate Speech 

As per the reports, hate speech operated through both top-down and and bottom-up dynamics. Prominent national figures like Modi and Shah, along with influential regional leaders such as Adityanath and Sarma, could reach the the entire nation—even when speaking at local campaign events, by making essentialized violent comments. Their incendiary messages were echoed and intensified by local BJP members, Hindu far-right groups, and religious leaders, who circulated similar rhetoric within communities. This interaction between elite-driven and grassroots hate speech deeply permeated the political landscape, fostering widespread anti-Muslim sentiment and leaving little room for substantive democratic dialogue.


BJP leaders’ hate speech could continue with impunity, as they faced negligible legal or popular consequences. Despite the inflammatory content and scale of these hate speeches, legal accountability remained minimal. Of the 122 cases recorded by the CSSS, no FIRs were filed against major BJP leaders, including Modi, Shah, and Adityanath. The Election Commission of India (ECI) also remained silent in spite of the occurrences of hat speech escalating during electoral campaigns. Despite multiple complaints by civil society groups, including the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), no action was taken against prominent leaders, including the Prime Minister, for violations of the Model Code of Conduct. This institutional silence emboldens political actors and contributes to the normalization of hate speech in mainstream discourse.


While BJP leaders faced little backlash, in contrast, opposition politicians and independent voices faced immediate legal action. Maria Alam Khan (Samajwadi Party, UP, April 29, 2024) was booked for referring to “vote jihad” while urging Muslims to unite against BJP; and a Dalit student (Mumbai, February 2024) was arrested for objecting to the celebration of the Ayodhya Ram Mandir consecration on a university campus. This double standard underscores how hate speech is weaponized selectively to serve political agendas.


Social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, YouTube, Telegram, and X  have been instrumental in amplifying and mainstreaming hate speech and extremist ideologies. According to the IHL report, 495 hate speech videos, while 211 videos were exclusively shared on YouTube. Absence of limiting mechanisms, the rapidness of sharing, the decline of fact-check systems, and algorithmic amplification ensured the wide and instantaneous circulation and even justification of hate speech. Despite their community standards prohibiting hate speech, social media platforms failed to enforce their guidelines, allowing violative content to spread unchecked.


This unchecked hate speech, combined with negligible to selective punitive consequences, has severe repercussions. It leads to the normalization of hate & democratic erosion. It promotes the skyrocketing of communal violence: rhetoric like "bulldozer justice" (used by Yogi Adityanath) has been linked to mob attacks on Muslims. It undermines electoral integrity, compromising fair elections. And most crucially, it silences dissent; minorities and critics face harassment, creating a climate of fear. Right-wing leaders can use hate speech with impunity, fanning the flames of intolerance at all levels of public rhetoric and psychology, while dissenting and independent voices are unfairly booked or arrested for objections that do not even use hate speech. 



A Call for Accountability

The reports by IHL and CSSS report paints a sobering picture of India’s political climate in 2024. With hate speech becoming an accepted feature of election campaigns and public discourse, the reports warns of long-term damage to the social fabric and democratic institutions. They calls for stricter enforcement of hate speech laws, regardless of political affiliation; fair media regulations; reform of the Election Commission’s mandate to empower it to act on communal rhetoric; independent monitoring mechanisms to track and report hate speech; and a stronger civil society and media vigilance to hold power accountable.


The surge in hate speech documented in 2024 is not just a statistical anomaly—it is a symptom of a deeper malaise. The reports have shown the connections that tie these majoritarian and communal political articulations and allyships with dangerous economic, judicial and legislative consequences. With elected leaders leading the charge and institutions failing to intervene, hate is no longer at the margins—it is mainstream. If this trend continues unchecked, the cost will not only be communal harmony but also the constitutional promise of equality and secularism that underpins Indian democracy.



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