Force me not outside, Oh Mother!

by Subha Protim Roy Chowdhury

With the high hope I have come, let me come closer.

Force me not outside, Oh Mother!

[Regarding two Matua migrant workers incarcerated on suspicion of being ‘Bangladeshi’]

The mother patiently awaits the return of her two sons. When will they once again call her “mother”? —This is not the eternal melody of a mother and her child, but the stark truth of the present. Village after village in West Bengal is being emptied, as young people migrate to other states. This migration stems from the lack of employment opportunities within the state. Meanwhile, families remain at home, anticipating the return of their son, brother, or husband. When they come, they bring happiness, they bring money. Prosperity comes from income earned outside the state.

Nokari Gram Panchayat falls under Ranaghat Police Station in Nadia. The village is Navrayanagar. Its skyline is covered with trees and greenery, and it is largely populated by the Matua community. On the village outskirts stood a one-room house, fenced with tin sheets. Pushpa Biswas stood leaning slightly against the door. Her aged husband had gone to work in the fields as a day labourer. Farming work is available during this planting season. “The pay is minimal, yet what options do I have?” her husband asked. At home, meals had not yet been prepared, though the sun was already at its zenith. Pushpa had just received news that her two sons had been arrested. she is unable to comprehend why her sons are incarcerated without any formal charges.

Her husband Nishikant is elderly and unable to travel far to work. Therefore, he takes up whatever tasks he can find within the village, despite the low wages. The family is small—parents and two sons—working hard to stabilize their lives. The brothers, Manishankar and Nirmal, skilled in woodworking, had migrated to Maharashtra. Earlier, they lived in Dinajpur, but about four years ago, they relocated to Nadia, purchased a plot of land, and built a modest tin-roofed house.

Manishankar is 23 and Nirmal 22. The siblings were apprehended in Akola, Maharashtra, on December 24 under the Indian Penal Code, the Passport Act, and the Foreigners Act, on suspicion of being ‘foreigners’. They have now been held in custody for nearly eight months. Their mother, Pushpa, fell ill after hearing the news. Reports said she was “paralyzed by the impact of the incident.”

“Both boys have voter cards and Aadhaar cards. They also hold Matua cards issued by Minister Shantanu Thakur,” remarked a neighbor. Nishikant added, “We cannot afford to travel to Maharashtra to see my boys. I approached Central Minister Shantanu Thakur, and he assured me he would look into it. But it has been months—how much longer will it take?”

Mamata Bala Thakur vs Shantanu Thakur

Whether it is the Matua card or the Matua vote, the competition is fierce. This rivalry has persisted since religious and socio-ethnic groups such as the Matuas and Furfura began to gain significance as ‘electoral capital’ in Bengal’s politics. Competition exists both within the family and outside it. Just as the Pirzadas of Furfura are divided by political power struggles, the rivalry between the Thakur families of the Matua community has become well known. Descendants of Harichand and Guruchand Thakur (founders of the Matua religion) are now aligned with both the BJP and Trinamool parties. The fight is for power, for property. In this context, the broader Matua community is seen merely as ‘bhakt and voter’. “Go to the legislature, become a king, remove the pain of this nation,” Guruchand Thakur once said. The reality is that the ordinary working-class Matua society remains far from “becoming the king.”

Navrayanagar is inhabited by Matuas. “The BJP has a vote base here,” said a Matua social activist, adding that the family supported the BJP. Yet many villagers also possess Mamata Thakur’s Matua card, which has become a point of political contention. Allegiance is often signaled by obtaining a card from one faction or another.

Advocate Nikhilesh Adhikari, a lawyer at the Nagpur bench of the Maharashtra High Court, is fighting for the brothers’ bail. Their first application was rejected. The next hearing is on September 8 for evidence. Of 17 witnesses, 4 have already testified. Adhikari, active in defending the rights of Bengali-speaking people, said, “We have many cases of Matua community members in Maharashtra. Whether Hindus or Muslims, they are being arrested on the basis of language.” The brothers urgently require legal representation in the Akola court, and they seek assistance from the state. What will happen if they are denied bail or declared foreigners? Even he is uncertain.

The BJP-led coalition governs Maharashtra, yet Union Minister Shantanu Thakur has taken no action for the release of these two Matua youths, both supporters of his party. Trinamool Congress MP Dola Sen managed to escort Nishikant Biswas to the Kolkata Press Club. Local Trinamool MLA Mukutmani Adhikari attempted to bring him on stage on July 21, but failed. The harassment of migrant workers is an opportunity for political parties—little more than political greed. They showcase victims for advantage, but make no effort to pursue justice in Maharashtra’s courts. What of the BJP’s claim as the ‘savior’ of the Matuas, of Dalit Hindus? The “third calf of the goat,” Bengal BJP? No visible activity is seen regarding Mani Shankar and Nirmal’s imprisonment.

The mother was nearly speechless throughout. Her eyes, her gaze, conveyed everything. Her sobs grew heavier. No sound can quantify them. Though her voice faltered, her silent expression pleaded: return my children to me. Once again, politics is at stake.

When the Target is Assembly Polls, 2026

The Chief Minister is trying to frame the issue as an attack on Bengalis and the Bengali language. Her supporters echo her loudly. The Union BJP government, along with several BJP-led state governments, displays open hostility toward Muslims, particularly migrant workers. But why hesitate to say that this aggression is aimed at ‘Muslims’? This is the reality, Madam Chief Minister. Is the worry that doing so might reduce Hindu electoral support? Will distributing Jagannath prasad under the public distribution system prove effective? Similarly, will the efforts at Digha prove fruitful?

Several Hindus have also been detained, arrested, harassed, and tortured—this is fact. A list at Raighar Police Station in Odisha, titled “Progress report on identification/detention/pushback of Bangladeshis/Rohingyas,” names 10 people, all Hindus. Bangladeshis have indeed been arrested, as our interactions with detainees confirm. They are being pushed back en masse. But in reality, no Hindus—whether from West Bengal or Bangladesh—have yet been pushed back. It is said that even if Bangladeshi Hindus are detained, they will be granted citizenship under the CAA. So far, all reported pushbacks of Indian citizens to Bangladesh have involved Muslims.

The Suffering is More Evident

On August 18, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee announced a new scheme to provide monthly cash incentives to migrant workers who return to the state after facing harassment elsewhere. The scheme, ‘Shramashree,’ promises a stipend of ₹5000 per month for up to one year, until they find work. But how attractive will this be to migrant workers who earn between ₹800 and ₹1200 a day? Furthermore, reports show that many detained and mistreated workers return again to the very states they had left.

Will this become yet another scheme of corruption and nepotism? If you are a Trinamool voter, you may receive the incentive, but only with local party approval—and often by contributing a share to the party fund. Another scheme, another stream of ‘cut money’. The plight of West Bengal is all the more apparent.